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Estive 5 minutos a tentar fazer-me entender. COmo fica? Bem, melhor que nada. Se precisar de algo mais, basta pedir. Bisbis msg 01h11min de 7 de julho de UTC. Dornicke, calma. Mschlindwein msg 22h05min de 14 de julho de UTC. Sugiro que desista de discutir como Mschlindwein. Que bom, Dornicke. Muito menos advogados.

Basta o bom senso. Melhor que a de um advogado? MachoCarioca oi 04h28min de 15 de julho de UTC. Acho que pode mencionar a coisa e linkar a parte mais especifica para uma pagina criada pra isso onde conste os enunciados legais, que bastaria vc copiar da proposta do melancolic e abrir essa pagina com isto. Obrigado pelo ajuste.

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Se desejares inscrever-te, clica aqui. Gostei desta. Aqui usamos "rever" RafaAzevedo msg 13h51min de 28 de novembro de UTC. Desejo-lhe um de muita alegria e felicidade! Espero que o Natal tenha sido bom. Caro Dornicke. ThiagoRuiz msg 15h18min de 1 de fevereiro de UTC. Infelizmente chegamos a esse ponto.

Espero que um dia melhore. Caro Dornicke, tudo bem? Espero que sim. Quero dizer que considero seu voto contra e procurarei melhorar ainda mais. Podes dar uma olhada, por favor, no artigo Quim Alcantara? Obrigado, Lechatjaune msg 17h33min de 24 de fevereiro de UTC. Eheheh Dornicke, sabes que eu tive mesmo quase para propor esse quadro do Amadeu de Sousa Cardoso, mas tive algum receio que fosse interpretado como puxando a sardinha a Portugal. Se concordas com ele, acho excelente. Se puder opinar no que falei, acerca de a gente ir colocando ocultos os coments parciais Ano eleitoral, cuidado redobrado.

Deu pra entender agora? Fala, Dornicke Deixa eu ver Ficou excelente. O filtro foi removido. Eu estou colocando o que diz na reportagem, o que vem acontecendo, meros fatos e dados baseados na realidade atual. Goethe e Darwin? MachoCarioca oi 02h41min de 21 de abril de UTC. Vamos fazer isso acontecer logo. MachoCarioca oi 23h24min de 21 de abril de UTC. Fabiano msg 23h54min de 24 de abril de UTC. Sim, Dornicke, eu me recordo. As fontes que foram apresentaram foram contestadas, e lhe cabe seguir o que diz o texto. Um artigo pode muito bem ser escrito no futuro.

Isso acontece a toda hora. O WikiRio 4. Veja mais sobre o encontro aqui. Vamos todos!


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MachoCarioca oi 23h26min de 5 de maio de UTC. MachoCarioca oi 23h30min de 5 de maio de UTC. Es el momento de profundizar la democracia europea y europeizar la democracia. Back in we had this procedure of Spitzenkandidaten and it was embraced at European level without any joint European constituency. So, one thing is totally different from the other. Then, let me tell you something that is very important. The Treaty says that the outcome of the elections should be considered and that a vote in Parliament is required.

This is sufficient to give a constitutional basis to the Spitzenkandidaten process. Nuno Melo PPE. Equivalem a dar como receita para resolver problemas mais daquilo que provocou esses problemas. Termino, Senhora Presidente. We are very much looking forward to the vote on this and we hope that we can amend the Framework Agreement in such a way that Commissioners could be allowed to stand in European elections without having to take leave. Colleagues, the sitting is now suspended briefly, but I would remind you that today, before the votes, we will listen to an address by a representative of the International Campaign to Abolish Nuclear Weapons ICAN , Nobel Peace Prize winners of last year.

Per i risultati delle votazioni e altri dettagli che le riguardano: vedasi processo verbale. Vi prego di fare attenzione. Voteremo ora sulla proposta della Conferenza dei presidenti relativa alla revoca della carica di un vicepresidente del Parlamento europeo, l'on. Ryszard Czarnecki. Conformemente all'articolo 21 del regolamento, al fine di essere approvata, la proposta deve ottenere il voto favorevole della maggioranza di due terzi dei voti espressi, a favore e contrari, che rappresentino la maggioranza dei deputati che compongono il Parlamento, ossia Conformemente all'articolo , paragrafo 3, del regolamento, ai fini del raggiungimento della maggioranza dei due terzi necessaria, sono calcolati soltanto i voti espressi a favore e contro la proposta.

Conformemente all'articolo bis, paragrafo 2, del regolamento, i gruppi politici che hanno raggiunto la soglia alta hanno chiesto che il voto abbia luogo a scrutinio segreto. In the Communication to Members last night, your services advised that abstentions will be discounted. I strongly protest. Rule 21 is not analogous to the election of Vice—Presidents. The vote of a Member who wishes to abstain is as valid as a vote cast by any other Member. It is the established practice of this Parliament that abstentions are taken into account.

Mr President, I insist that out of respect for parliamentary democracy you take due consideration of abstentions in determining whether or not the condition of two—thirds of votes cast has been satisfied. Mr Czarnecki was prevented from defending himself in the plenary, which is most irregular, and now we have this discounting of abstentions, which is also irregular, to say the least.

Per le elezioni del Presidente, dei vicepresidenti e dei questori i voti di astensione non contano. Per quanto riguarda l'approvazione della reiezione di un qualsiasi testo, e quindi di qualsiasi proposta, entrano nel calcolo dei voti espressi, dice l'articolo , soltanto i voti a favore e contro, salvo nei casi per i quali i trattati prevedano una maggioranza specifica. Nessun trattato prevede nulla a proposito di questo e quindi intendo interpretare in maniera estensiva l'articolo e tutte le altre regole che hanno sempre governato l'elezione delle persone.

Quindi trattandosi di revoca di una elezione intendo interpretare il regolamento in questa direzione. Quindi confermo che i voti contati saranno solo quelli a favore e quelli contro.

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It has never been used before and I can confirm that your interpretation is exactly what was intended. Vi ripeto che serve una maggioranza di due terzi dei voti espressi. Verranno contati soltanto i voti a favore e i voti contrari. Il Parlamento approva la proposta di cessazione anticipata della carica. Noi abbiamo delle liste di voto. Lei non ha spiegato cosa stavamo votando. Bresso, se mi sta ad ascoltare le rispondo. You did not say that, so we thought we were voting on those, and not on Article 5.

Io sono stato molto chiaro, ho parlato di votazioni di proposte di decisione seguite da votazione. Mi dispiace, on. Perhaps a simple solution to this is that we actually take a vote on the proposal for a decision again. The screen was indicating something else. A lot of colleagues and I have voted as if it was for the previous text. Non ho capito questo battere sui tavoli che cosa significa. Io sono stato molto chiaro per quanto riguarda l'emendamento. Prego, onorevole Reid. Quindi rivotiamo dall'articolo 5.

Votiamo l'articolo 5, il testo originale per appello nominale. This Parliament has fought particularly hard with each upgrade of the Anti—Money Laundering Directive consistently to improve our legal framework in this respect. The delegated act you will vote on now concerns Tunisia, a recognised, close and privileged partner of the European Union.

I want to stress that this act will not undermine any political or financial commitments by the EU in respect of Tunisia. We recognise the progress Tunisians have made in recent weeks and the Commission will be very supportive of Tunisia to help to deliver the action plan agreed between Tunisia and the Financial Action Task Force in December. We are in close and intense contact with our Tunisian friends in this regard.

The Commission stands ready to provide support so that Tunisia removes the remaining deficiencies swiftly. Once we see the work done, we will initiate the delisting process, with the aim of Tunisia being delisted by the Financial Action Task Force and subsequently by the EU. I am convinced that, at the end of this process, Tunisia will serve as a benchmark for other countries and I praise its efforts and engagement.

Lastly, let me confirm that the Commission is working intensively on a systemic solution, so that the EU has its own autonomous analysis and list of high-risk third countries in order better to protect the EU and its citizens. Ich lasse jetzt abstimmen. Some of the seats should be saved for the next EU enlargement, especially to the Western Balkans. But I want as well to express my support for the idea of joint constituencies as of the European elections in It is a way to enhance the direct link between citizens and EU policymakers. I strongly believe that EU citizens should be able to vote for candidates that express ideas and visions for the whole European Union.

It will allow the first candidate on each list to be considered for the European Commission, thus acknowledging the irreversibility of the Spitzenkandidaten process. Jan Zahradil ECR. Nic by se nestalo. The whole basis of the report is that by the time any of this actually happens, the United Kingdom will not be in the European Union. I believe that it would be unethical for me to cast any affirmative vote on this subject because it would be just as wrong for me to tell the European Union what to do post-Brexit as it would be for the European Union to tell the UK what to do post-Brexit.

For that reason the record will therefore show that I abstained on everything throughout this report. Also, many hope that it would favour more integration as opposed to the system we have in place now. I would argue to the contrary. Being European is the sum of our national and subnational regional identities.

Our European-ness is what unites us in our differences; imposing from the top a transnational list instead of making our citizens more European might, on the contrary, drive a wedge between electorates and the people supposed to represent them in the EU. All politics are local, and there is a good reason why.

People need to feel that their particular problems are well understood and conveyed. Also, there is no contradiction between favouring national lists and favouring more integration. Integration is stronger if it is rooted in the local, and if it is a natural, bottom-up construction. Lastly, I strongly believe that most anti-EU populists feed from local dissatisfactions rather than discontent with the EU as such. This is why the best place to fight is there where it occurs, by those representatives who know their electorate best.

Janusz Korwin-Mikke NI. Daniel Hannan ECR. Very few people quote what he goes on to say, which is that he hopes that Britain and America, and maybe one day even the Soviet Union, will look on as friends and sponsors. I suspect he would rather approve of the proposal we have just voted on.

The change, which means that Britain is leaving, but that there is a more federal view of how European democracy happens after that. The two things indeed being linked, because the withdrawal of the British veto facilitates a number of these federalist measures. A year ago, this would have really bothered me.

Now, I wish our friends and neighbours every possible success. More than 70 years on, we are belatedly realising that great vision of a united Europe with Britain as a friend and sponsor. I abstained on this throughout because this is none of my business as it will affect only the EU 27 and only post—Brexit. I believe it is, of course, perfectly reasonable to hold an opinion on it, just not for my opinion to be foisted upon others. So, in that spirit of an opinion, I just have one brief word of caution regarding Spitzenkandidaten. That is that this never worked well in the UK, not least because it could not be an issue because the UK has no meaningful voice from the largest political group in this place.

There is a danger, therefore, that it ends up marginalising certain Member States and I would urge Parliament to consider carefully in future whether the current direction could end up having unintended consequences. Again, I say this in that same spirit of cooperation and friendliness.

I vote in the European elections and, before , the party I was voting for, even if it held the majority here, was not assured that it would get the position of European Commission President. The position was attributed through backroom deals among the EU leaders, in secrecy, and in this regard for European democracy the link between my vote and the outcome of the election was blurred. I am a strong supporter of the Spitzenkandidaten process because it diminished the democratic deficit. It gives citizens the right to directly influence how the Commission will lead.

I voted for this report since its repeats the simple truth that the Spitzenkandidat is necessary for our European democracy. Urszula Krupa ECR. I underline, colleagues: in the EU. Unfortunately, from the legal point of view, FGM still remains in a grey zone. The crime is under—reported, under—investigated and under—prosecuted in Europe.

FGM is a serious human rights violation. We are used to reporting and condemning similar human rights abuses in foreign countries, but now we are faced with it in our home in Europe, and our national legislation must accept this challenge and finally adopt efficient legal ways of combating this crime. Parliament has already adopted several resolutions and I sincerely hope that this new report will make a change and bring new impetus to combating all forms of this violence.

For this reason, I voted in favour of the motion. There are some words in this report which are not phrased in the way that I personally would have liked, but surely we can all agree that this evil must be stopped. Wherever it happens in the United Kingdom it must be prosecuted. Those who are responsible for allowing something so appalling to happen must face justice.

Where parents fail to protect their children or if children are sent overseas for this to happen to them, there must be prosecutions. The law is the law, and the law must be enforced. Too often, we have seen police forces turn effectively a blind eye to this, and that must be stopped. Es tut mir leid, ich kann jetzt nicht weiter mit Ihnen diskutieren.

Ich muss die Vorschriften befolgen, wie sie geschrieben sind. Ich gebe gerne Herrn Arnott noch das Wort. Sie haben ja heute schon mehrfach geredet. It is absolutely shameful that the richest continent of the world does not take proper care of its own children. The election of Trump, and Brexit, which also stemmed from a growing disappointment with the status quo, must be the wake-up call for the last sleep-walkers.

The growing gap between the rich and the poor is undermining the social and democratic fabric of our societies. It is high time to act now. Big challenges require strong political answers. We Socialists and Democrats fight side by side with an alliance of NGOs and social partners for strong policy responses that will work.

We will campaign for an equitable and sustainable society of shared prosperity, opportunity and dignity. We are working for a poverty eradication road map to halve the number of people living in poverty by , and for a directive on decent working conditions. We wish to create a living wage index to help define appropriate minimum wages in each Member State.

If we know how devastating the consequences of inequalities are, why do we not use the remaining time in this mandate to improve the lives of the most needy Europeans? Let us introduce a child guarantee that ensures that each and every child in every country is able to access proper health care, good schooling and a healthy diet.

Let us introduce a framework directive for decent working conditions that ensures that workers are no longer at risk of exploitation. Let us have protection against poor pay and have proper social rights, regardless of whether people work in industry or in digital platforms. And let us end the rhetoric of free trade that tries to convince people that trade only needs to be free to work for the people, because this neglects the hardship of those without jobs in deprived regions. We know that only with proper environment and sustainability provisions can trade be really progressive. A lot can be done to take this fight to the next level.

The social pillar must be properly implemented, we need strong improvements on maternity and paternity leave — parenthood must not mean poverty. We must continue to fight against tax fraud and tax evasion. Digital giants have to pay proper taxes too. I would like to appeal to the whole House. My Group, the Socialists and Democrats, are willing to fight for that today, tomorrow and each and any other day of this mandate. We very much hope that you will join us. Monika Panayotova, President-in-Office of the Council. Today, more than ever, the European Union needs to guarantee the prosperity and well—being of all its citizens, as well as to overcome the socio—economic inequalities in a fast-changing world.

According to opinion polls, more and more citizens across Europe feel that they cannot fully profit from the benefits of globalisation. We need to make sure they see that the European Union is the solution to their concerns and that it delivers on their expectations. As a result of the effective policy response to the economic crisis by the European institutions and the Member States, the EU economy is now firmly recovering. Economic growth has returned and unemployment is at its lowest since Nevertheless, social and economic challenges persist across Europe.

Young people are still especially vulnerable and we really need to focus our efforts on them as they are the future of Europe, of our economies and our societies. The consequences of leaving a whole generation without prospects would not only be morally irresponsible, but would have long—standing negative economic and political effects in the decades to come. We need to make sure that young people have better opportunities for education and training, mobility and personal development, and improved access to employment.

Socio—economic stability and fairness is a pre-condition for social progress and trust in the European Union project. As Parliament rightly stated in its resolution of November on combating inequalities, the reduction of inequalities must be one of the main priorities at European level, not only in order to tackle poverty or promote convergence but also as a precondition for economic recovery, decent job creation, social cohesion and shared prosperity. The root causes of socio—economic inequalities are related to a wide range of factors. The scission between rich and poor is widening.

Labour markets and societies are evolving quickly with new opportunities and new challenges arising from globalisation, the digital revolution, changing work patterns and societal and demographic developments. The industrial revolutions for zero waste and digitalisation are presenting enormous opportunities, but they are also placing extraordinary pressure on skills. In order to overcome existing inequalities based on skills, we need a comprehensive approach. We must fill the digital skills gap and prepare both our citizens and our labour market for change.

Discrimination and gender inequality are two further factors that contribute to inequalities. Our citizens expect us to take action: they rank unemployment and social inequality as the most important challenges the European Union has to face. This is also a commitment that we have made at national, European and international level. They pledged to work towards a social Europe which promotes economic and social progress as well as cohesion and convergence. So the key tools to overcome inequalities are the new provisions for training and for the protection of our workers — vocational training helping the redistributive potential of social protection systems.

I would like to express our readiness and willingness to start negotiations on it properly within the Council.

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The signature of the proclamation of the European pillar of social rights is an important step towards reinforcing the social dimension of Europe. It provides a compass for action towards better working and living conditions in the European Union, hence renewing the process of increasing social convergence. The Council has already started to work on the implementation of the pillar. The legislative elements of the package, namely the proposals on work—life balance and on transparent and predictable working conditions, are currently being discussed in the preparatory bodies of the Council.

As of this year, progress in Member States is monitored in the context of the European Semester through use of the Social Scoreboard, in line with one of the recommendations expressed by Parliament in its resolution on combating inequalities. Furthermore, Employment and Social Affairs Ministers will hold a policy debate on closing the gender pay gap, at the March Council where the future of Social Europe post— will also be discussed.

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I would also like to focus your attention on the fact that some of the roots of socio-economic inequalities lie in natural demographic or regional disadvantages, in relation to which investment in cohesion has a very positive impact. I will listen to your debate, which is also an opportunity to reflect on the consequences of the challenges in front of us. Thank you once again for inviting me and for your attention. Marianne Thyssen, Member of the Commission. Over the years, we have gained important insights. We know that rising inequalities act as a brake on growth.

Even competitiveness is reinforced by a more equal society. We also know that rising inequalities come with social by-effects — increased crime rates, decreased health, and lower participation in our democracies. And we see every day how the discontent of citizens that feel left behind, or fear being left behind, is fuelling a populist movement. These are the consequences of rising inequalities. And also for these reasons, reducing inequalities is a priority of the Commission. The drivers behind the rise in inequalities are numerous. Therefore, our policy response must be multi-dimensional.

At European level our message is clear: we have to redouble efforts along the virtuous triangle of investment, structural reforms and responsible fiscal policies, with a focus firmly on social fairness and more inclusive growth. Inequalities can only be fought through a combination of good jobs, fair tax systems, and adequate social policies. Firstly, it must aim to reduce inequalities in market income, especially by focusing on work.

Raising skill levels and preparing our people for the jobs of tomorrow is the first way to address inequality in earnings. Last year we adopted the New Skills Agenda. With the right skills, people are better equipped for good-quality jobs with reliable and adequate incomes. Moreover, we must create jobs. Wherever possible, the Commission takes steps to boost job creation. We also strongly push for reforms that support growth in Member States through the European Semester.

Secondly, we need to look at the tax and benefit systems. Having a job is not enough to be included, we also have to look at the tax and benefit systems. The re-launch of the Common Consolidated Corporate Tax Base and the initiatives on tax transparency should contribute to ensuring a fair distribution of the products of growth, income and wealth in our Member States. I also want to add the decisions on state aid — I refer to certain tax rulings in certain Member States.

Lastly, we must respond to the rise in inequalities by boosting our social policies. That is why we proclaimed the European Pillar of Social Rights. The European Semester will play a key role in implementing the Pillar on a national level. Already in the past, as you know, country-specific recommendations have addressed inequality-related issues. Think of the need to improve the adequacy and coverage of safety nets; or think of recommendations on childcare, on education, and on the provision of supporting services.

In the current semester cycle, we build on this approach. To give you a glimpse: the Country Reports will pay special attention to investing in skills and building adequate safety nets and supporting sustainable and inclusive growth. The Scoreboard contains an indicator on income inequality, but also on skills, childcare, and the impact of social transfers.

But we also have something to do, and for its part the Commission is also implementing the European Pillar of Social Rights. To increase the rights for the most vulnerable workers, we recently presented a proposal for a Directive on Transparent and Predictable Working Conditions. And we are now working on a Social Fairness Package. The package includes an initiative on improving access to social protection for people employed on non-standard contracts and in various forms of self-employment.

This, I believe, is an extremely important step in fighting inequalities. And of course we will continue to use the European Structural and Investment Funds to support the objectives of the Pillar. Tackling inequality is an imperative for the European Union, for economic, social and political reasons.

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Reducing inequalities is the only way to sustain growth and ensure continued competitiveness. It is the only way to ensure that our welfare systems remain sustainable. At the social level, we cannot leave anyone behind, everyone should participate in labour markets and in our societies. At the political level, rising inequalities drive disillusionment in politics and society.

People no longer feel in control. The result is the rise of nationalism, protectionism and populism. We need to put the fight against inequalities at the top of our agenda, you are totally right. With the Pillar we have done that, but now of course it is time and we have to prove that we are able to implement it. So here we have something fundamentally wrong and something unacceptable, because this means having a lot of people in poor working conditions. The most shocking thing concerns young people because we have around one third of young people in Europe living in poverty.

This is just unacceptable and this is something which is spreading social tension, hindering growth and undermining democracy and trust in the European Union. This is the outcome of the accumulated effects of a wrong economic policy, bringing austerity and social unfairness.

We must reverse this. It is possible — just look at the Portuguese case — and now we have a powerful solution, which is to implement the European social pillar. With this pillar we want first of all to address the situation of children in Europe, to end child poverty and to address the situation of young people, paving the way for better jobs and access to skills, making sure that everybody can have a proper, decent labour contract and access to social protection. But how can we deliver all this?

We need to have serious work to update social and labour law. We need to promote an economic policy focusing on investment and jobs for the future. We need to have a fiscal policy providing good public services. We need to have a tax policy addressing added value where it is, but most of all we need to make sure that the upcoming European budget will be used to promote this social pillar. I really hope that with the Commission and the Presidency we will move in this direction. They are absent on this. Syed Kamall, on behalf of the ECR group.

One of the most inspiring parts of my job in London, is meeting or helping the many local community projects tackling poverty in their local neighbourhoods. They are often inspired by local people who want to make a difference, so it is disappointing that when politicians or commentators talk about poverty, they tend to focus on what the state can or cannot do, or whether large NGOs are effective or not, too often neglecting the inspirational local community projects in the hearts of our communities.

Though, in some ways, both the Left and the Right have failed the poor. While the Left believe in top-down government, taxing people more to distribute more money to the poor via more public servants, more trade unions, etc. But many on the Right argue that poverty is best tackled by cutting taxes, creating more jobs with additional wealth trickling down to the poor, but they forget that the welfare state was created since private provision did not reach everyone. So while state welfare and large NGOs do have a role to play, last month the ECR Group held a global poverty summit which brought together local community projects from across the world to tell their inspiring stories of how they tackled poverty at a grass-roots level.

So, whether the Left call it cooperative socialism, or the Right call it community conservatism or localist libertarianism, I hope that we can all pay more attention and champion the role of grass-roots anti-poverty projects in all our local communities, rather than top-down state or top-down wealth, and I see the Left laughing and insulting these very many community projects. Allow me on a personal note to end on that equality.

Let us, across the political spectrum, reach out to young people in all our countries and tell them that whatever your colour, your gender, your religion, your orientation or your background, you should not be afraid to put yourself forward for public office. Der er store, alvorlige problemer.

Der er stor social usikkerhed. Eller i det mindste om, at vi faktisk tager borgernes bekymringer alvorligt? Questi sono i dati Oxfam, che ovviamente ci possono solo fare rabbrividire. Fin quando non ci occuperemo dei nostri figli, non potremmo essere noi ad andare a dare lezioni di democrazia ad altri paesi. Ci vogliono impegno, coraggio e azioni immediate. Tot op zekere hoogte zijn ongelijkheden ook goed. Want als er geen succesvolle mensen zijn, wie is dan nog het rolmodel voor jongeren?

En waar moet ambitie zich dan op richten? Maar in Nederland is al tientallen jaren geen koopkrachtgroei meer voor gezinnen, zo laat onderzoek van Rabobank zien. De belastingen zijn gestegen voor een almaar groeiende overheid, onder andere om massa—immigratie te betalen en ontwikkelingshulp en subsidies voor iedereen met een linkse mening, maar ook voor de voortdurend stijgende uitgaven van de Europese Unie. Want politieke ambities worden uiteindelijk door burgers als loonslaven betaald. Zo'n kostbare politieke ambitie is de euro. Dankzij de euro zijn er nu ook landen waar, in plaats van stagnatie, de inkomens daadwerkelijk gedaald zijn, namelijk in Zuid-Europa.

Miljoenen mensen uit deze landen zijn vertrokken naar Noord-Europa op zoek naar werk, op zoek naar perspectief dat daar echter ook niet meer te vinden is. Voorzitter, dit kan zo niet langer. Wat we nodig hebben, is: lagere belastingen en een hogere arbeidsinkomensquote. De migratie moet worden gestopt en de euro ontmanteld. Zo eenvoudig is het. Sofia Ribeiro PPE.

I think this debate on rising inequality and the consequences of it is core to what we should do, as politicians, to fight these consequences, to ensure that we have policies that will change this behaviour and ensure that, instead of inequality, we have quality spread out through our societies. It is economic inequality and inequality in health. It is in education and all aspects of society. I have to say to my good colleague, Mr Kamall, that fighting inequality is more than charity. Actually where we have well—functioning welfare states in Europe, that is the biggest equality machine we can create on this planet.

It is proven. Come to the Nordic countries and you see that it works — and listen. What the EU can do is important. The Commissioner alluded to it. We need a strong social pillar. We need to ensure that we support our Member States so they can fight inequality and create opportunity for all of us. We need a strong social contract because our social contract is jeopardised in our societies today, with severe consequences for democracy and for extremism.

So we need to rebuild our social contract and I think we also need a social contract that will ensure that the big multinational corporations and the rich individuals pay their fair tax. It is too easy for them to avoid paying their fair tax and it is undermining our welfare state and undermining the fight against inequality. So, friends, we believe in a European dream and a European dream is that all people, regardless of their background, have the chance to have a good life, good education and good work.

Joachim Starbatty ECR. Es ist wirklich ein brisantes Thema. Die Euro-Zone wird als eine Einheit betrachtet.


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Das ist Konsequenz einer internen Abwertung. Das ist einfach so. Da bleibt nur der Arbeitsmarkt. Hier muss man ansetzen. Wenn Sie das beklagen, das ist von Ihnen politisch so akzeptiert. Regional policy is an important aspect of the fight against poverty. In Europe there are regions where many more people than the EU average live at or below the poverty line. However, in a particularly bad situation are those regions that suffer from poor quality of EU relations with the European neighbourhood.

In my native country, Estonia, Ida-Virumaa county is an example of a territory with such problems. It is a very poor, de-industrialised region, geographically isolated on the EU-Russian border and populated by a Russian linguistic minority. In such conditions the fight against poverty is also an important security issue. In regions like Ida-Virumaa the fight against poverty must be comprehensive. For this, both economic restructuring and normalisation of relations with neighbouring Russia are needed.

I support the expansion of all opportunities to support out of the European Structural Funds any national policies aimed at the reduction of poverty, and, of course, the implementation of the social pillar. For I strongly believe that poverty causes indifference, and indifference is bad support for protecting European borders. Social inequality should be fought by any means, and as a matter of itself, but even more so — as any history book will tell you — when there are rising inequalities in society.

There are certain politicians, and we have them here in this Chamber too, who will use this — who will instrumentalise the fear and the social problems arising from it — to play the weaker against the weakest. We see this today. We see refugees being played against pensioners, we see Greek nurses being played against single mothers in Germany. And, I tell you, instead of following this divisive rhetoric and these divisive so-called proposals, we need to present something from European level to show that we are fighting for greater social equality.

I agree, yes, we have a currency union so we are tied together: so we also have to work together on social matters and introduce social standards at European level, because otherwise I believe the whole European project is in danger, and we do not want that. We need to act now. Deirdre Clune PPE. We know that many of our domestic economies are growing and about the challenges to harness and to channel that growth where it can be effective, but have evidence that jobs as we know them are changing, the labour market is changing and the typical permanent pensionable job is no longer there for many.

There is evidence of temporary, part—time working on a contract basis, flexible labour market and, of course, with automation, robots and globalisation, employment as we know it is changing. So we need to ensure that we have strong and effective protection measures in place for workers. Minimum income is important and tackling zero—hours contracts is very, very important to give some certainty to workers.

But it is not all about inequality in terms of income. It is also about inequality in terms of opportunity, and inequality in terms of outcomes as well. We continually need to focus on skills and education and ensure that our young people, in particular, have the necessary training, the necessary education opportunities, if we are to provide them with the skills that employers are articulating today that they do not have and cannot find on the labour market.

Some European countries have better outcomes than others, and we must work together to ensure that those differences are addressed. The forthcoming European Social Pillar is one way that we can tackle those inequalities in a European way. I mean that, if the International Monetary Fund and the European Central Bank are pleading for a pay rise for employees in Europe, what more need we say?

Yet can we stay silent on the consequences of rising social and economic inequalities in Europe? Let us start on a positive note. And for good reason. Ideologically, what links the current American and Polish governments is not their commitment to democracy—both are increasingly authoritarian. It is their hostility to Muslim immigration. Trump generally discusses globalization—the movement of both goods and people—as a process by which the rest of the world cheats, weakens, and threatens America.

Trump used them 21 times in a single speech. Jihadist terrorists can kill people in the West, but unlike Nazi Germany or the Soviet Union, they cannot topple even the weakest European government. Jihadists control no great armies. Their ideologies have limited appeal even among the Muslims they target with their propaganda.

The implication is that anyone in the United States who is not white and Christian may not truly be American but rather than an imposter and a threat. Poland is largely ethnically homogeneous. America is racially, ethnically, and religious diverse. In , however, another bankruptcy hit the country — and CGD — like a meteor.

In the previous decades, an emigration wave to Brazil and the money those migrants sent back home gave Portugal some credit in the London and Paris stock markets, which allowed the government to sell debt bonds and get the money for its economic policies of infrastructure spending and buying off internal political clienteles. After the April 25 th coup that overthrew the dictatorship, the revolutionary ecstasy Portugal succumbed to for the ensuing year and a half was not — despite the many efforts of the groups who lead it — enough to make the country go from the hands of a dictatorship to those of another, but it was still able to do some damage.

Caixa kept its role as an instrument of political power in the manipulation of the economy as a whole, for instance in promoting and facilitating access to credit for buying a house. In , CGD became a stock corporation, but the State remained its sole stockholder. One would think such a legal statute would give the bank a larger autonomy from political power that was, in fact, the stated purpose of categorizing it as such. But that was far from being true. When many of those borrowers did indeed default on their mortgages, house prices fell as quickly as they had been inflated by the subprime bubble, causing huge losses for the banks that had bet heavily in that market.

By all accounts, Portuguese banks were not among the most affected by that exposure. Portugal was one of those countries. They badly needed them. And the same happened in other sectors were the group had important concerns, like telecommunications, oil or electricity. Caixa was suddenly faced with acute and urgent capital needs.